Naval Conference (Naval Affairs 1913-1914)
Before the first delegation had arrived, the conference for a naval disarmament, or so the UPNG government had designated it by this name, had been incredibly troublesome.
This tendency, alas, did not vanish after it officially opened.
Many nations had come to Panama, that much couldn’t be questioned. But if the majority thought a new race to build the biggest, most powerful battleships around was ill-advisable, the motives largely differed. California, obviously, wanted to stop the Chinese Navy from rising and becoming an indomitable colossus dominating the Pacific and East Asia in general. But other nations sometimes just wanted to decrease the extensive costs of maintenance and shipbuilding that their treasuries had difficulties financing.
The economical legacy of the Great War was not yet over by 1913. Plenty of the invited delegations were from republics and kingdoms on their way to recovery, but the scars were still present. And few diplomats wanting a second round of the Great War supported the view of august retired Admirals; which was that the surest way to prevent China to gain a blue-water navy worthy of the name was to attack right now and destroy it. And damn the consequences.
Bengali and Irish delegates, both because of French influence and their own strategic goals, protested against this move immediately. Calcutta had not been particularly impressed by the Alliance’s willingness of blockading China, and the Bengali Generals had not wish to fight the Chinese in a land war.
Russia was at the other end of the political spectrum. The noble leading them, a particularly wealthy Duke residing usually in the city of Saint Petersburg, made clear his Empress had absolutely not forgotten the abandon of their client state in Wu China, a defeat which had certainly been accelerated by shipments of obsolete weapons from the previous Chuan ruler.
Russia was all too willing to limit the naval rearmament of China, by blood and explosions if it was necessary. But there were many conditions to Moscow’s help. First above all, Empress Anastasia wanted to make clear any ultimatum directed towards Guangzhou would mention a general disarmament in the Pacific. The Tsarina, having a navy dispersed on four theatres, didn’t want to suppress a rising power only to see the crowning of another five or six years down the line. Then there was the issue of the conflict itself. Since China was the only nation to boast more manpower than the French Empire, every country which wanted to restrain its influence and reach would have to contribute a significant expedition force in infantry and artillery should it come to war. Third, the French Empire and the English, both owning the largest battle-fleets around, had to be convinced to stand on their side or at least observe tacit benevolent neutrality.
There were many other points, most of them which were not exactly welcomed with joys and smiles. The only issue the majority agreed with was that France and England had to be friendly – no one was under illusion that the war would be short and winnable if Paris allied with the Celestial Throne. The rest provoked countless disputes and critics. The UPNG had its own ambitions in the Pacific, and assuming they seized completely the sea lanes in Eastern Asia, the traders and the magnates of the Alliance had no intention to abandon the spoils of victory.
Not that it was the only problem. Many military and non-military men feared what a reunited, modern, vigorous China could do to their pockets and spheres of influence. But a lot of said men also remained extremely wary of Russia and France, the winners of the Great War. There were delegates who worried their people would not understand the subtle policies of worldwide affairs, and may riot when the young boys were sent overseas to fight a civilisation they had no reason to hate.
The duo UPNG and California tried long and hard to form a union, negotiating hard on every subject.
But it came to nothing. As more and more primary and secondary delegations arrived from Europe, it became evident that allying with Russia would be earning the enmity of most of Central Europe and more. Even Peru and a few other New World countries were unconvinced the new fleet of China would make them more dangerous than a potentially victorious Russia.
And in the end, the harsh reality was that, aside from Russia, no one was willing to send an ultimatum to China in good and due form. Europe, North and South America, Asia; no matter the continent, the ruler and the politicians were of the opinion that the Central Alliance had begun this mess, and it was the job of the Central Alliance to finish it, pacifically or militarily.
The Russians walked out of the talks shortly after. Moscow had decreed no treaty was better than a bad treaty, and the top spokesmen followed this order to the letter. They weren’t the only ones. Ireland, Bengal and Japan would follow suit in February 1914 without a single signature being written on any biding document.
Strangely, it was not the worse news for this failed summit at Panama. Five days after the Japanese emissaries had sailed back towards their home, the Ambassador of Carolina was nearly murdered by a sailor who had too much abused of the local alcoholic beverages.
Maybe this incident would have made the headlines for one or two days without being forgotten if not for the fact the aggressor was a Floridian.
Things went rapidly out of control. The delegations of Carolina and the Directorate swiftly tried to remember which of their debates in the last three months could be constructed as offensive or having a potential to give a military advantage to their neighbours, and the events didn’t stop there. Soon threats were screamed from every corner of the table, under the consternated or amused eyes of their peers. Insults were uttered. Duels to the first blood were fought in dark alleys and parks. Military attachés died.
And on March 4, the Directorate of Florida declared war to the Republic of the Carolinas, which immediately reciprocated. The failure of the naval disarmament talks were announced two weeks later, but by that time the journalists of North America had far more important news to give to their readers...